Saturday, July 27, 2013

Changing Education Paradigms



This RSA Animate was adapted from a talk given at the RSA by Sir Ken Robinson, world-renowned education and creativity expert and recipient of the RSA's Benjamin Franklin award.




Full Lecture available here





What do you think of the following responses to Ken Robinson's views


Monday, June 24, 2013

Twenty reasons why revolutions are everywhere

Paul Mason | 19:07 UK time, Saturday, 5 February 2011 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/correspondents/paulmason/

We've had revolution in Tunisia, Egypt's Mubarak is teetering; in Yemen, Jordan and Syria suddenly protests have appeared. In Ireland young techno-savvy professionals are agitating for a "Second Republic"; in France the youth from banlieues battled police on the streets to defend the retirement rights of 60-year olds; in Greece striking and rioting have become a national pastime. And in Britain we've had riots and student occupations that changed the political mood.

What's going on? What's the wider social dynamic?
My editors yesterday asked me put some bullet points down for a discussion on the programme that then didn't happen but I am throwing them into the mix here, on the basis of various conversations with academics who study this and also the participants themselves.

At the heart of it all are young people, obviously; students; westernised; secularised. They use social media - as the mainstream media has now woken up to - but this obsession with reporting "they use twitter" is missing the point of what they use it for.

In so far as there are common threads to be found in these different situation, here's 20 things I have spotted:

1. At the heart if it all is a new sociological type: the graduate with no future

2. ...with access to social media, such as Facebook, Twitter and eg Yfrog so they can express themselves in a variety of situations ranging from parliamentary democracy to tyrrany.

3. Therefore truth moves faster than lies, and propaganda becomes flammable.

4. They are not prone to traditional and endemic ideologies: Labourism, Islamism, Fianna Fail Catholicism etc... in fact hermetic ideologies of all forms are rejected.

5. Women very numerous as the backbone of movements. After twenty years of modernised labour markets and higher-education access the "archetypal" protest leader, organizer, facilitator, spokesperson now is an educated young woman.

6. Horizontalism has become endemic because technology makes it easy: it kills vertical hierarchies spontaneously, whereas before - and the quintessential experience of the 20th century - was the killing of dissent within movements, the channeling of movements and their bureaucratisaton.
7. Memes: "A meme acts as a unit for carrying cultural ideas symbols or practices, which can be transmitted from one mind to another through writing, speech, gestures, rituals or other imitable phenomena. Supporters of the concept regard memes as cultural analogues to genes, in that they self-replicate, mutate and respond to selective pressures." (Wikipedia) - so what happens is that ideas arise, are very quickly "market tested" and either take off, bubble under, insinuate themselves or if they are deemed no good they disappear. Ideas self-replicate like genes. Prior to the internet this theory (see Richard Dawkins, 1976) seemed an over-statement but you can now clearly trace the evolution of memes.

8. They all seem to know each other: not only is the network more powerful than the hierarchy - but the ad-hoc network has become easier to form. So if you "follow" somebody from the UCL occupation on Twitter, as I have done, you can easily run into a radical blogger from Egypt, or a lecturer in peaceful resistance in California who mainly does work on Burma so then there are the Burmese tweets to follow. During the early 20th century people would ride hanging on the undersides of train carriages across borders just to make links like these.

9. The specifics of economic failure: the rise of mass access to university-level education is a given. Maybe soon even 50% in higher education will be not enough. In most of the world this is being funded by personal indebtedess - so people are making a rational judgement to go into debt so they will be better paid later. However the prospect of ten years of fiscal retrenchment in some countries means they now know they will be poorer than their parents. And the effect has been like throwing a light switch; the prosperity story is replaced with the doom story, even if for individuals reality will be more complex, and not as bad as they expect.

10.This evaporation of a promise is compounded in the more repressive societies and emerging markets because - even where you get rapid economic growth - it cannot absorb the demographic bulge of young people fast enough to deliver rising living standards for enough of them.

11.To amplify: I can't find the quote but one of the historians of the French Revolution of 1789 wrote that it was not the product of poor people but of poor lawyers. You can have political/economic setups that disappoint the poor for generations - but if lawyers, teachers and doctors are sitting in their garrets freezing and starving you get revolution. Now, in their garrets, they have a laptop and broadband connection.

12.The weakness of organised labour means there's a changed relationship between the radicalized middle class, the poor and the organised workforce. The world looks more like 19th century Paris - heavy predomination of the "progressive" intelligentsia, intermixing with the slum-dwellers at numerous social interfaces (cabarets in the 19C, raves now); huge social fear of the excluded poor but also many rags to riches stories celebrated in the media (Fifty Cent etc); meanwhile the solidaristic culture and respectability of organized labour is still there but, as in Egypt, they find themselves a "stage army" to be marched on and off the scene of history.

13.This leads to a loss of fear among the young radicals of any movement: they can pick and choose; there is no confrontation they can't retreat from. They can "have a day off" from protesting, occupying: whereas twith he old working-class based movements, their place in the ranks of battle was determined and they couldn't retreat once things started. You couldn't "have a day off" from the miners' strike if you lived in a pit village.

14.In addition to a day off, you can "mix and match": I have met people who do community organizing one day, and the next are on a flotilla to Gaza; then they pop up working for a think tank on sustainable energy; then they're writing a book about something completely different. I was astonished to find people I had interviewed inside the UCL occupation blogging from Tahrir Square this week.

15. People just know more than they used to. Dictatorships rely not just on the suppression of news but on the suppression of narratives and truth. More or less everything you need to know to make sense of the world is available as freely downloadable content on the internet: and it's not pre-digested for you by your teachers, parents, priests, imams. For example there are huge numbers of facts available to me now about the subjects I studied at university that were not known when I was there in the 1980s. Then whole academic terms would be spent disputing basic facts, or trying to research them. Now that is still true but the plane of reasoning can be more complex because people have an instant reference source for the undisputed premises of arguments. It's as if physics has been replaced by quantum physics, but in every discipline.

16.There is no Cold War, and the War on Terror is not as effective as the Cold War was in solidifying elites against change. Egypt is proving to be a worked example of this: though it is highly likely things will spiral out of control, post Mubarak - as in all the colour revolutons - the dire warnings of the US right that this will lead to Islamism are a "meme" that has not taken off. In fact you could make an interesting study of how the meme starts, blossoms and fades away over the space of 12 days. To be clear: I am not saying they are wrong - only that the fear of an Islamist takeover in Egypt has not been strong enough to swing the US presidency or the media behind Mubarak.

17. It is - with international pressure and some powerful NGOs - possible to bring down a repressive government without having to spend years in the jungle as a guerilla, or years in the urban underground: instead the oppositional youth - both in the west in repressive regimes like Tunisia/Egypt, and above all in China - live in a virtual undergrowth online and through digital comms networks. The internet is not key here - it is for example the things people swap by text message, the music they swap with each other etc: the hidden meanings in graffiti, street art etc which those in authority fail to spot.

18. People have a better understanding of power. The activists have read their Chomsky and their Hardt-Negri, but the ideas therein have become mimetic: young people believe the issues are no longer class and economics but simply power: they are clever to the point of expertise in knowing how to mess up hierarchies and see the various "revolutions" in their own lives as part of an "exodus" from oppression, not - as previous generations did - as a "diversion into the personal". While Foucault could tell Gilles Deleuze: "We had to wait until the nineteenth century before we began to understand the nature of exploitation, and to this day, we have yet to fully comprehend the nature of power",- that's probably changed.

19. As the algebraic sum of all these factors it feels like the protest "meme" that is sweeping the world - if that premise is indeed true - is profoundly less radical on economics than the one that swept the world in the 1910s and 1920s; they don't seek a total overturn: they seek a moderation of excesses. However on politics the common theme is the dissolution of centralized power and the demand for "autonomy" and personal freedom in addition to formal democracy and an end to corrupt, family based power-elites.

20. Technology has - in many ways, from the contraceptive pill to the iPod, the blog and the CCTV camera - expanded the space and power of the individual.
Some complications....

a) all of the above are generalisations: and have to be read as such.

b) are these methods replicable by their opponents? Clearly up to a point they are. So the assumption in the global progressive movement that their values are aligned with that of the networked world may be wrong. Also we have yet to see what happens to all this social networking if a state ever seriously pulls the plug on the technology: switches the mobile network off, censors the internet, cyber-attacks the protesters.

c) China is the laboratory here, where the Internet Police are paid to go online and foment pro-government "memes" to counteract the oppositional ones. The Egyptian leftist blogger Arabawy.org says on his website that : "in a dictatorship, independent journalism by default becomes a form of activism, and the spread of information is essentially an act of agitation." But independent journalism is suppressed in many parts of the world.

d) what happens to this new, fluffy global zeitgeist when it runs up against the old-style hierarchical dictatorship in a death match, where the latter has about 300 Abrams tanks? We may be about to find out.

e) - and this one is troubling for mainstream politics: are we creating a complete disconnect between the values and language of the state and those of the educated young? Egypt is a classic example - if you hear the NDP officials there is a time-warped aspect to their language compared to that of young doctors and lawyers on the Square. But there are also examples in the UK: much of the political discourse - on both sides of the House of Commons - is treated by many young people as a barely intelligible "noise" - and this goes wider than just the protesters.

(For example: I'm finding it common among non-politicos these days that whenever you mention the "Big Society" there's a shrug and a suppressed laugh - yet if you move into the warren of thinktanks around Westminster, it's treated deadly seriously. Dissing the Big Society has quickly become a "meme" that crosses political tribal boundaries under the Coalition, yet most professional politicians are deaf to "memes" as the youth are to the contents of Hansard.)

That's it - as I say, these are just my thoughts on it all and not researched other than through experience: there are probably whole PhD theses about some of this so feel free to hit the comments.
Likewise if you think it is all balderdash, and if you are over 40 you may, vent your analog-era spleen below.


Shared symbolism of global youth unrest


The language and the time zone changes but, from Turkey and Bulgaria to Brazil, the symbolism of protest is increasingly the same.
The Guy Fawkes masks, the erection of tent camps, the gas masks and helmets improvised in response to the use of tear gas as a means of collective punishment. The handwritten signs - scrawled in defiance of the state's power and the uniformity of the old, collective protests of yesteryear.
And the youthfulness of the core protesters.
In Gezi Park, Istanbul, before it was cleared by police, I saw school-age teenagers turn up regularly, each afternoon in small groups, colonise what was left of the lawn and start their homework.
The pictures coming out of Sao Paulo tell a similar story.

Bypassing the state
In both cities, people born in a post-ideological era are using what symbols they can to tell a story of being modern, urban and discontented: the national flag and the shirt of the local football team are memes common to both Istanbul and Sao Paulo.
But what is driving the discontent?
When I covered the unrest in Britain and southern Europe in 2011, the answer was clear. A whole generation of young people has seen economic promises cancelled: they will work probably until their late sixties, come out of university with lifetime-crippling debts.
And, as American students famously complained in 2009, the jobs they get when they leave university are often the same jobs they did, part-time, when they were at university. I've met qualified civil engineers in Greece whose job was waiting table; the fact that I met them on a riot tells you all you need to know.
With the Arab Spring, it seemed different - from the outside: these were fast-growing economies - in Libya's case spectacularly fast. But here you hit something that makes this wave of unrest unique: this is the first generation whose lives, and psychology, have been shaped by ready access to information technology and social media.
We know what this does: it makes state propaganda, censorship and a government-aligned mainstream media very easy to bypass. Egyptian state TV totally lost credibility during the first days of the uprisings against President Hosni Mubarak. This month, when Turkish TV stations tried to pull the same kind of non-reporting of unrest, they were bombarded with complaints.
"But," one politics professor told me, "most of the complaints were from people aged over 35. The youth don't watch TV, and in any case they have never believed what's on the news."
Social media makes it possible to organise protests fast, to react to repression fast, and to wage a quite successful propaganda war that makes the mainstream media and the spin machines of governments look foolish.
At the same time, it encourages a relatively "horizontal" structure to the protests themselves. Taksim Square in Istanbul was rare for having a 60-strong organising group; the protests in Sao Paulo have followed the more general pattern of several organising groups and an amorphous network of people who simply choose themselves where to turn up, what to write on their banners, and what to do.
As I arrived in Istanbul, some of my contacts in financial markets were mystified: why are they protesting when it is one of the fastest growing places on earth?
Get down to street level and the answer was clear. In the first place, many of the young educated people I spoke to complained that "the wealth is going to the corrupt elite"; many pointed out that despite being doctors, civil engineers, dotcom types etc, they could not afford a place to live.

'Perfectly ordinary people'
But then there was the bigger grievance: they felt the religious conservative government of the AK Party was impinging on their freedom. One Turkish fashion writer- no natural revolutionary - complained of "a growing, insidious hostility to the modern".
And they saw the heavy police action against the original tent camp in Gezi Park - an environmental protest - as a symbol of this unfreedom.
In Sao Paulo, the grievances are more clearly social: "Fewer stadiums, more hospitals", reads one banner. The rising price of transport, combined with the government's determination to prioritise infrastructure and sports stadia, are what this has come to be about.
But again, last week, it was an allegedly disproportionate police action - the arrest of a journalist for carrying vinegar (to dull the sting of tear gas), the shooting of four journalists with rubber bullets - which led to escalation.
In each case, the effects of police action are magnified by the ability of protesters to send images of brutality around the world immediately. And as a veteran of reporting more than 30 years' worth of "non-lethal" law enforcement, my impression is that the use of CS, baton rounds, water cannon is pushing police procedures all over the world towards "near lethal" levels that are increasingly unacceptable to protesters who go on the streets with no violent intent.
Though smaller by comparison, the Bulgarian protests that on Wednesday removed a controversial head of state security speak to the issues that unite those taking to the streets in many countries: it is not about poverty, say protesters, it is about corruption, the sham nature of democracy, clique politics and an elite prepared to grab the lion's share of the wealth generated by economic development.
In short, just as in 1989, when we found that people in East Europe preferred individual freedom to communism, today capitalism is becoming identified with the rule of unaccountable elites, lack of effective democratic accountability, and repressive policing.

And what the events of the last three years have shown is that perfectly ordinary people, with no ideological axe to grind, have found the means to resist it.

Wednesday, June 5, 2013

The trouble with trying to control the Internet

By Jeremy Au Yong, Deputy Editor, Singapolitics

 On Jan 18 last year, anyone who tried to do a search on Google would have found the company's multi-coloured logo blacked out. At the same time, over at Wikipedia, none of the millions of articles was accessible.

The pattern was repeated across some of the Web's biggest brands. Amazon, Imgur, Flickr, Pinterest, WordPress, Craigslist and many others had parts or all of their sites blacked out.

That was not an attack by hackers. It was a protest, the largest coordinated online protest to date.

The sites themselves were protesting against two pieces of proposed legislation in the United States - the Stop Online Piracy Act (Sopa) and the Protect IP Act (Pipa) - aimed at making it harder for websites to sell or distribute pirated material.

How Washington intended to do that, though, was to empower the authorities to get a court order requiring an Internet Service Provider (ISP) to take "technically feasible and reasonable measures designed to prevent access by its subscribers located within the United States to the foreign infringing site". The Bills would prevent sites from linking to any websites that are "dedicated to the theft of US property".

While many could agree with the desired intent, the problem was that it effectively amounted to trying to censor the Internet. Asking an ISP to block access to a site deemed rogue felt to many like the government exerting complete authority on the hitherto free-wheeling World Wide Web.

And while Sopa and Pipa remain outside the law books, the battle was neither the first nor the last time netizens and governments would face off over Internet regulation.

Recent years have seen a push by governments everywhere to try and rein in cyberspace.

In July last year, the Russian Parliament adopted a Bill that created an Internet blacklist, forcing site owners and ISPs to shut down those on the list. At the same time, the British Parliament debated a communications Bill that would give the police and intelligence services the power to compel ISPs to collect and retain information about users.

Last month, the US House of Representatives passed a Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act (Cispa) which would allow security agencies to obtain information like e-mail addresses and Internet browser histories without first having to get a search warrant or a court subpoena.

Last week, Singapore had its own controversial Internet legislation.

On Tuesday, the Media Development Authority (MDA) announced a new online licensing scheme that would apply to news websites that fulfil two criteria: If they report an average of at least one article per week on Singapore's news and current affairs over a period of two months, and have at least 50,000 unique visitors from Singapore each month over a period of two months.

The individual licences have to be renewed every year and those required to apply for a licence would have to put up a performance bond of $50,000. The licence makes it clear that online news sites are expected to remove content that is in breach of MDA standards within 24 hours, once told to do so.

The new regulations are, said MDA, to ensure greater parity between the regulations that apply to the mainstream media and online media.

While the stated intention is reasonable, implementation will prove problematic. Despite attempts at such laws all around the world, there hasn't been one yet that properly balances sensible regulation with the Internet's organic nature.

At the heart of the issue is the seemingly limitless diversity found on the Internet. In the MDA's case, it will not always be easy to draw a line around what it considers "news websites", and many have issued calls online for clarity on the rules.

It is simple enough to say that a website carrying news that is run by a news organisation should be a "news website". MDA has also said views published on personal blogs do not amount to news reporting. But what about the rest? What about aggregators, forums, social networks, online classifieds and everything in between?

A site like Propertyguru, which serves primarily to sell real estate, could conceivably cross the thres-hold of having one news story about Singapore a week and more than 50,000 visitors a month. Should it be forced to get a licence? If not, why not?

How will MDA deal with platforms like Facebook and Twitter which do enable individuals or organisations to send regular updates about Singapore to an audience in excess of 50,000 a month?

The inability to predict every possible test case tends to leave lawmakers with the singular option of defining the laws as broadly as possible, while choosing to enforce it only on a small minority.

Because it cannot properly define all types of sites it wants to capture under Internet regulations, the Government ends up covering a whole bunch of sites it should otherwise have no interest in regulating.
And that is a sure-fire way to trigger a pushback from netizens. This was the case with Sopa, Pipa and the Russian Internet blacklist and certainly seems to apply to MDA as well.

Reactions to the new licence have been overwhelmingly negative so far, with many viewing it as an attempt to curtail expression online, even if the MDA has stressed it is not clamping down and content standards have not changed.

The doomsday scenarios that many online are discussing include forcing small-time operators who cannot put up $50,000 to shut down or simply blacking out sites that do not comply. It is not yet clear what would happen to sites that have their licences revoked. Will telcos be asked to block them?

Ultimately, it may very well be that MDA never had any intention to use the new licensing scheme to stifle free expression online, but because of the broad nature of Internet regulation, no one can tell for sure.

And that makes the regulations troubling.

Using Semicolons

Semicolons help you connect closely related ideas when a style mark stronger than a comma is needed. By using semicolons effectively, you can make your writing sound more sophisticated.

Connect closely related ideas

1.      Link two independent clauses to connect closely related ideas
  • ·       Some people write with a word processor; others write with a pen or pencil.

2.      Link clauses connected by conjunctive adverbs or transitional phrases to connect closely related ideas
  • ·       But however they choose to write, people are allowed to make their own decisions; as a result, many people swear by their writing methods.

3.      Link lists where the items contain commas to avoid confusion between list items
  • ·       There are basically two ways to write: with a pen or pencil, which is inexpensive and easily accessibleor by computer and printer, which is more expensive but quick and neat.

4.      Link lengthy clauses or clauses with commas to avoid confusion between clauses
  • ·       Some people write with a word processor, typewriter, or a computer; but others, for different reasons, choose to write with a pen or pencil.

Rules for Using Semicolons

A semicolon is most commonly used to link (in a single sentence) two independent clauses that are closely related in thought.

1.      When a semicolon is used to join two or more ideas (parts) in a sentence, those ideas are then given equal position or rank.
  • ·       Some people write with a word processor; others write with a pen or pencil.

2.      Use a semicolon between two independent clauses that are connected by conjunctive adverbs or transitional phrases.
  • ·       But however they choose to write, people are allowed to make their own decisions; as a result, many people swear by their writing methods.

3.      Use a semicolon between items in a list or series if any of the items contain commas.
  • ·       There are basically two ways to write: with a pen or pencil, which is inexpensive and easily accessible; or by computer and printer, which is more expensive but quick and neat.

4.      Use a semicolon between independent clauses joined by a coordinating conjunction if the clauses are already punctuated with commas or if the clauses are lengthy.
  • ·       Some people write with a word processor, typewriter, or a computer; but others, for different reasons, choose to write with a pen or pencil.


Wednesday, May 22, 2013

Gender Equality in Singapore's society


Close that workplace gender gap
BY Dr Theresa W. Devasahayam is Fellow and Researcher-in-charge of Gender Studies at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
The world once again finds itself celebrating International Women’s Day this Friday, March 8. There are many reasons to celebrate women’s and girls’ achievements. One obvious achievement we can boast about is that the gender gap in education has reversed in many parts of the world, as now girls more than boys are more likely to enter college and graduate.
While this is clearly progress for women – since receiving an education signals empowerment as theoretically it puts women on an equal playing field with men in enabling them to seek out wage work – gender equality in education does not automatically translate into gender equality in the workplace.
In fact, women still face persistent obstacles in the workplace because this domain remains largely male-dominated.
Several reasons point to why the gender gap in the workplace should be closed. The most obvious rationale is that closing the gap in employment actually spurs GDP growth rates as well as improves economic competitiveness and corporate performance.
Moreover, women bring a different approach to social interactions in the workplace, says President of Harvard University Drew Gilpin Faust.
PERSISTENT WAGE GAP
Making the workplace inclusive for women may be achieved in several ways. Ensuring equal pay for equal work across the sexes is one attempt at engendering gender equality.
In the United States, for example, in spite of the wage gap closing from 62 per cent from 1979 to 82 per cent in 2011 for men and women (according to data from the US Department of Labor and Bureau of Labor Statistics published in October 2012), a gap still persists with older female workers not being compensated as well as their younger counterparts.
In Southeast Asia also, men continue to earn more than women. According to the World Economic Forum, several countries in the region surpassed the average score of 0.64 documented for 135 countries in 2012 (with a score of 1 denoting gender equality). The Philippines (0.79), Thailand (0.74), Malaysia (0.82) and Singapore (0.81) are examples. Others, however, such as Indonesia and Vietnam fared relatively poorly in comparison with their neighbours, scoring 0.67 and 0.68 respectively
Removing every shade of discrimination against female employees in the area of promotion is also equally important. The numbers of women in decision-making positions in corporations and businesses continue to lag behind men because of the glass ceiling.
By removing the glass ceiling, which would have the effect of not only being inclusive of women, diversity is also ensured and, in turn, we may expect that the presence of women translates into better governance.
LET HER KNOW MOTHERHOOD MATTERS
Also important is that creating an inclusive workplace for women workers means there should be measures to ensure that women are not penalised if they decide not to work for a short period, in order to have or to look after their children.
This policy would have a twofold effect. Firstly, it would signal to women that their skills in the workplace are always in demand and it is acceptable for them to be mothers and workers at the same time.
Secondly, in the face of falling fertility rates across the world, a woman who decides to start a family should be fully aware that her choice of leaving the workforce for a short spell would not be held against her. She should be made to feel that her motherhood role is important not only to herself and her immediate family, but also to wider society.
Making the workplace more inclusive to women would include the provision of affordable childcare, especially in the case of working mothers, since female employees are more likely than their male counterparts to be saddled with the task of balancing family demands and workplace commitments.
Having access to affordable childcare means that the tensions of balancing home demands and workplace commitments would be significantly minimised, if these women are able to ingeniously labour towards integrating these two worlds.
If childcare is beyond the reach of the average household, this would lead to a situation where it is most likely women will choose not to enter the labour force, since they do not see gains in going out to work. For many women, it is they who would opt instead to stay at home since generally it is expected that they shoulder the burden of caring.
RETREAT FROM THE WORKPLACE
Mothers retreating from the workplace is a universal and perennial phenomenon to which Singapore is no exception.
According to a report on labour force engagement in Singapore published in 2011, 47.3 per cent of women as compared with 1.8 per cent of men singled out “families responsibilities” (which includes housework, childcare and care-giving to families/relatives) to be the reason for their economic inactivity. In fact among the women, 25.5 per cent reported not working because of childcare compared with 1.5 per cent of men.
Since motherhood is the main reason for women to retreat from the workplace, this is more than enough reason to address this concern and make it easier for women to return to work. In the world, the Nordic countries have gained considerable success in wooing large numbers of women back to the workforce. A combination of factors has led to this scenario, according to the Global Gender Gap Report 2012.
These factors include policies enabling women to combine work and family through better work-life balance and ensuring a shared participation in childcare which involves greater involvement on the part of the State; and the prevalence of a gender ideology which encourages gender egalitarianism in the home front in terms of a more equitable distribution of labour.
At a time of slow and uncertain economic growth, there is enough justification for investing in women such that their participation in the labour force can be optimised. For countries with more robust economic forecasts, accelerating women’s participation in the labour force indicates a commitment on the part of employers as well as governments to ensure that the workplace continues to be inclusive.
As the Chinese proverb goes, women hold up half the sky; so, ensuring that women are on an equal footing with men in the workplace makes logical sense. But there should be no reason for women to feel pressured to fit in and to behave like men, should they decide to participate in the workforce. Rather as Christine Lagarde, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) says: “We have to dare the difference and speak about it”.

MORE SUPPORT FOR WOMEN IN THE WORKPLACE
Grace Fu
Senior Minister of State for the Ministry of Information Communications and the Arts, and the Ministry of Environment and Water Resources; Member of Parliament for Yuhua; Chairman of the PAP Women’s Wing executive committee

Surveys have shown that gender ratio equality in the workplace is maintained only at the entry level. As we move up the corporate hierarchy, the number of women is significantly fewer than men. Men are progressing faster and further than women. We are under-represented (3 to 8) in the senior leadership positions. Similarly, women only made up 7% of boardroom positions in listed companies in Singapore.

Women are expected to undertake the primary role in caring for the husband, children, and the parents. While we are fortunate to have the support of domestic helpers, women are often expected to make the career adjustments to suit the family circumstances. Many chose to take a slower pace in their career or drop out of the workforce completely.
The younger generation are postponing marriage and parenthood. With good education, women are excelling in the workplace and enjoying financial independence and satisfaction from their jobs. They are delaying the drudgery of a marriage if it means having to sacrifice many of their lifestyle choices.

Women today do not wish to see employers writing them off once a baby is on the way; neither do they wish to rely solely on the promise that their spouses will provide for them for the rest of their lives. They want a workplace where employers, recognizing the multiple roles they play, manage their career with flexibility over their life phases.
A female employee choosing to work part-time when she is caring for a young child should not be excluded from training opportunities nor future progression opportunities.
35 per cent of employers offer some form of work-life arrangement. Women, especially those with children, want to see more options such as more part-time work opportunities, flexible work hours and tele-commuting arrangements.

For those wishing to re-enter the workforce when their children are older, the government can provide training to ease their transition back into the workplace.
Companies can also offer transition arrangements where women re-entering the workforce do part-time work or take up internships, before moving into full-time positions.


Singaporeans realising their Fullest Potential
Foo Mee Har
Member of Parliament for West Coast; assistant secretary of the PAP Women’s Wing executive committee

In my meetings with business leaders, I often hear them lament that despite the availability of growth opportunities in Singapore, the key constraint to realising these opportunities is neither capital nor ideas, but the availability of talent.  This dearth of talent has led companies to curtail their expansion plans, with some even contemplating taking their business offshore.
In the past, foreign workers and professionals have augmented our local talent pool.  However, there is a limit to how many foreigners our society and infrastructure can accommodate.  The government has given the assurance that the share for foreign talent will be limited to one third of the workforce.
As we approach this limit, it is more important than ever to find ways to tap on the talents of every Singaporean.  Furthermore, Singapore has one of the fastest aging populations and one of the lowest birth rates in the world.  This highlights how critical it is for us to nurture every citizen and bring out the best in our people.

Women
First, I would like to begin with a subject that is close to my heart, and that is how we can better realise the full potential of women in Singapore. Research has shown a clear link between gender equality and a country’s economic strength.  Indeed, Nordic countries that lead the world in many indicators of gender equality rank amongst the strongest global competitors with the highest standards of living.
The opportunity with women in Singapore was recognised early on. Back in 1975,our former Prime Minister, Mr Lee Kuan Yew said and I quote:“Societies which do not educate and use half their potential because they are women, are those which will be the worse off. Those that do, and face up to problems of new social and family relationships to help working wives to bring up the next generation, are those most likely to provide better lives for their people. We cannot not educate and use the energy and ability of our women.”Unquote.
Singaporean women today have more opportunities than in the past. We have seen more and more women leading in their respective fields. However, we still have 58,000 women with university degrees not working, 3 times more than that of men.  And despite recent gains, women’s labour force participation remains low at only 57% as compared to that of men at 77%.  Amongst women who work, few make it to leadership positions.  Women occupy only 27% of ‘executive’ level positions, and only 6% of board positions in Singapore listed companies.  Singapore only ranked 56th amongst 134 countries in Global Gender Gap Index by World Economic Forum.
Sir, deploying more women in the workforce contributes far beyond having more pairs of hands, or achieving egalitarian ideals.  Women bring unique talents, skill sets, life experiences and perspectives to the workplace.  There is a body of research which suggests that companies with a strong women representation at board and top management roles are also the companies that perform best.
The challenge of juggling family and work demands is the key reason for low women representation in our workforce, as women continue to be the primary caregiver. Close to 90% of women stop work due to family responsibilities.  Over the years, I have counselled many female colleagues who struggle with the choice of staying at home or continue working, usually after having children.  They are typically at the prime of their career potential.  They feel a strong sense of guilt about not having enough family time, yet they also feel a great sense of loss in giving up the career they have built and the financial security that comes with it.  Juggling work and family can be a delicate balance.   I remember my days as a young mother, rushing home to see my sons during lunch break, was the best reward of a working day, even when this usually meant a precious 15 minutes at home, before rushing back for the next meeting.   Being away on business trips was often a miserable experience.
In modern Singapore, women who choose to work, should be supported so that they can work and take care of their families at the same time.  But in order for this to happen, they need ready access to child and elder care services, they need their husbands as joint partners in raising their families, and they also need employers and government to adopt family friendly policies.  We still have some way to go in providing these.
For example, despite the many discussions in this house around flexi work arrangements, women here continue to struggle with the painful choice between full time work or no work, as flexi and part time work arrangements, including home based work, are not readily available.  61% of women who are not working, have indicated they would work, if flexi and part time arrangements were made available.  Being one of the most highly connected and technologically advanced countries in the world, Singapore has all the natural levers to support flexi work.  Not leveraging this to enable women to stay in the workforce is truly a missed opportunity.
In addition, more can be done to help women to go back to work, especially those in the lower income group, as this will mean helping their families with extra income to lift living standards.
NTUC’s Back to Work programme, has helped 8,000 women return to the workforce, but there are still more than 235,000 economically inactive women between the prime ages of 25-54 that could be re-inducted. I  have met a number of female residents who are frustrated at not being able to even land a job interview despite pursuing numerous training programs.  The reason is simply that employers are not confident about their ability to adapt to the work environment and the pace of work, especially with older women who have stopped work for some time.  So in many cases, the employer’s concerns have less to do with the applicant’s relevant skills, and more about her fitting into the working environment.
Sir, taking inspiration from the successful Job Credit Scheme, can we not consider a special grant to encourage employers to offer re-induction to women returning to the workforce? Under this scheme, which I will call the Re-entry Scheme for the purposes of this discussion, companies can obtain grants from the government for a limited period of time, perhaps 3 to 6 months for hiring female returnees to the workplace. This is to ease the re-induction of women into the workplace, by immersing themselves in the operating rhythm and orientating themselves to the rigour of a new job.  The Re-entry Scheme will help offset the employer’s cost for on-the-job training as well as any redesign of work arrangements necessary.  Yes, this will be an investment by the government, but this is an investment that is completely targeted to developing the vocational skills of the worker for the task she is already employed to do, rather than training given in the hope that she will find a job.  I would further recommend that this scheme be extended to older workers for the same purposes.
Sir, the experience of other countries and our own suggests that meaningful changes will not occur naturally.  Instead, they are the result of determined and sustained government interventions, regulations and provisions.  We have only seen a mere increase of 5 percentage points in women labour force participation in 20 years.  In the meantime, our fertility rate has slid to a historic low of 1.16.  This contrasts starkly with countries such as Norway, where gender equality and female friendly employment policies make it easier for women to raise families whilst enjoying successful careers and financial security.  Norway’s women labour participation is at a high of 80%, whilst the fertility rate a respectable 1.96.  Our lack of progress in this field is all the more conspicuous when stacked up against our achievements and progress in many other areas such as the economy, education, environment and heath.
What does it take to keep this issue at the top of  the political and social agenda, to drive it to resolute and urgent action?  Today, the issues highlighted are spread across government agencies co-ordinated by an ‘office’ within MCYS, which itself oversees a wide portfolio of concerns from social welfare, youth, sports, community bonding to aging.  Can women and family not be represented by a dedicated Ministry, as in other countries such as Sweden, New Zealand and Malaysia.  There should be enhanced levels of resources, a strong mandate and authority to prescribe and enforce, rather than to be left to the best efforts of the occasional campaign or promotion by different agencies. The integration of work and family is a national concern, and deserves to be addressed with the right policies, and a comprehensive strategy. Society should be educated and stakeholders should be given clear targets to aspire to.
Mr Deputy Speaker, Sir, it is time for us to give this area the impetus it deserves.  Our success in doing so will mean higher household incomes, more fulfilling lives, and happier families.  And very likely, it will also mean more babies.  And we will have provided employers in Singapore an enlarged pool of talent who bring unique skills.  Sir, this is a win-win-win scenario for the country.

On gender equality - Students give their views on gender equality in Singapore's society. Wed, Apr 15, 2009 The Straits Times
Meritocracy should come first
WHILE gender equality is an important aspect of a modern, developed society, it cannot and should not be at the expense of meritocracy.
Which is why the Government should be commended on how it has slowly but surely worked women into and up the rungs, rather than indulge in popular appeal and appoint women to positions of power just to achieve a semblance of equality.
There is a very practical benefit to that.
People know that the women who eventually make it to the top have done so on their own merit, and deserve an even greater amount of respect.
This is especially so in traditionally male-dominated fields such as politics, where women are more susceptible to being marginalised or dismissed.
So while Singapore has had to wait 44 years to finally see a full-fledged woman minister in Government, be glad that she is someone to be proud of.

He Zongying, 24, is a final-year business management student at Singapore Management University.
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No sign yet of full equality
US SECRETARY of State Hillary Clinton noted on International Women's Day on March 8 that 'no nation in the world has yet achieved full equality for women'.
I agree.
While Singapore women have equal access to education and health care, they face unjust treatment in the workplace.
There are still instances where companies lay off pregnant employees. And, for women in small and medium-sized enterprises especially, they are pressured into cutting short their maternity leave because there is no one to stand in for them at work.
Some even had to take no-pay maternity leave.
Advocacy group Aware receives three to five calls each month from pregnant mothers who lose their jobs or are not given maternity benefits.
The key to correcting gender inequality is thus to mould the psyche of errant bosses though carrots (training) and sticks (punishments).
Otherwise, Mrs Lim Hwee Hua's achievement is just a sound-bite statistic.

Berton Lim, 21, is a first-year business administration student at the National University of Singapore.
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Freedom to choose one's role
WE SHOULD not read too much into the appointment of Mrs Lim Hwee Hua as Singapore's first woman minister, or think that there was no equal opportunity for women at all before this.
After all, men and women are each privileged in different ways.
'Equality' is not the same as 'equity': the roles that the two genders play in society need not be the exact same ones in order for gender equity to exist.
By all means open up opportunities and offices to both genders, but if women do not wish to participate in politics but would rather be homemakers, why not let them?
Many of my female friends, who are capable and intelligent individuals, have absolutely no interest in running the country.
Not that they couldn't if they were to try, but they simply do not want to.
That does not make their future contributions less meaningful or life less fair to them.

If that means a society with fewer women in politics, that is not necessarily a loss.
Alexander Woon, 19, is a national serviceman.
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Women's issues not only focus
AT THE risk of sounding like a wet blanket, I really don't see what the big deal is - a minister is female, so what?
Perhaps it is just my gender-blindness acting up, but I think the hullabaloo about the first woman minister seems quite unnecessary.
Mrs Lim Hwee Hua's new appointment comes with an assortment of responsibilities, and I'm not sure it is fair that she might now be seen as the champion of Singaporean women's issues.
For instance, women may look to her to champion decades-long issues such as fair remuneration and treatment of women in the workplace, as well as better motherhood benefits, in the process overlooking her other strengths.
These issues may not even be among the obligations that come with her new portfolio.
Playing up her role as Singapore's first and only woman minister will only put her under unfair scrutiny, as hefty expectations are placed upon her.
Instead, we should be objective and allow Mrs Lim to ease into her new role, and decide for herself how to use her strengths to best represent the people.

Liana Tang, 24, graduated with honours in biology from NUS.
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A source of inspiration
IT IS high time that Singapore has a woman minister. I believe now it's time for women to take centre stage and take on greater, more prominent roles in society.
Women have already broken the glass ceiling in multinational companies and government bodies. Now they seem to have done so in politics, too. Mrs Lim Hwee Hua inspires me, as a woman, to stump up the guts and plump for a career in politics.
I had aimed to be a doctor, but now, why not aim higher and bring change to Singapore through politics? My female friends and I agree that as long as we have the knowledge, talent and experience, we would be given equal opportunities in any field.

Benazir Parvin, 20, is a Pre-University 2 arts student at Millennia Institute.
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Don't just look at politics
THE starkly imbalanced gender ratio in local politics is not a good indicator of whether or not there is gender equality in Singapore.
During my junior college days, I remember seeing almost the same number of female student leaders in office as their male counterparts, if not more. Yet this does not translate to more female politicians.
It seems that my peers of the fairer sex are far more apathetic towards politics or daunted by its pressures. They perceive being a politician as having to work inordinately long hours and being in constant public scrutiny. Our political history reaffirms this. Politics has largely remained the domain of males. We should look to other professions if we want to find out if women have indeed made it.

Nicholas Lim, 20, has a place at Nanyang Technological University's Nanyang Business School.
This article was first published in The Straits Times.



Monday, May 20, 2013

China tightens ideological screws


By Ching Cheong Senior Writer  www.straitstimes.com
CHINA is once again tightening the screws of ideological control by barring universities and the media from discussing or writing about seven "dangerous" topics.
These are: universal values, press freedom, civil society, civil rights, errors of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), crony capitalism and judicial independence.
Such "dangerous Western influences" are detrimental to the ruling status of the CCP and hence "every cadre should fight earnestly against them", according to a party document.
The May 13 document, entitled Report on the Current Situation of the Ideological Front, summarises the main conclusions of a meeting of the National Conference of Chiefs of Propaganda Departments in January.
It would have been the first national propaganda meeting since Mr Xi Jinping took over as CCP chief last November and should bear his personal imprints.
According to the document, democracy and constitutionalism as promoted by liberals are intended to overthrow the CCP and to end socialism. It also said the promotion of universal values would undermine the CCP leadership and force it to make concessions.
Similarly, the real aim of bringing about civil society is to nurture and develop new political forces outside of CCP-led grass- roots organisations so as to compete with the CCP for influence.
And Western concepts such as press freedom and media openness go against the CCP's view, which is that the media should come under the party's control and act as its mouthpiece.
Regarding historical issues, discussions on the CCP's past errors would nullify its legitimacy and undermine its ruling position.
Those who allege that the "China model" is nothing but crony capitalism are trying to diminish the achievements of the CCP's reform and open-door policies, and to support claims that without political reform China's economic reform is doomed to failure.
On economic issues, neo-liberalists who advocate greater reliance on market mechanisms are undermining the CCP's policies that place great emphasis on macroeconomic control.
To maintain ideological purity, the document urges propaganda departments across the country to mount a campaign against those whose writings are "anti-party, anti-country and anti-nation" and to resolutely remove those who refuse to change their stance.
Propaganda officials at all levels are also instructed to tighten media control to ensure proper enforcement of the seven no-nos, or "forbidden turfs".
The CCP document sent ripples through university campuses and media newsrooms alike. Most people were taken aback by President Xi's apparent leftist shift.
Well-known dissident blogger Yefu noted that even as Mr Xi was putting the hearts of party elders at ease, he was burying China's future. Mr Yao Jianfu, formerly with the Rural Policy Centre of the State Council, or China's Cabinet, said it was a big shock as many people had placed their hopes in Mr Xi to launch badly needed political reform.
Professor Hu Xingdou of the Beijing University of Science and Technology called the seven no-nos draconian in ideological "wei wen" (maintaining stability). He said it reflected the CCP's extreme lack of confidence in maintaining its grip on power. He doubted if they could be implemented at all.
Historian Zhang Lifan said that by identifying the seven no-nos, the CCP is reminding the people that these are the basic flaws of the current political system.
Mr Bao Tong, former secretary to the late CCP chief Zhao Ziyang, said that by reinstating these ideological controls, Mr Xi has taken China back to the days before the 1911 rebellion, which overthrew centuries of dynastic rule.
Leftists welcomed Mr Xi's move. All the major leftist websites carried Professor Zhang Hongliang's May 15 article, "Present-day China is like Soviet Union on the eve of its breakup".
Nicknamed the Red Tank, Prof Zhang at Minzu University of China in Beijing is well known for his extreme Maoist views. He has argued that the imminent danger of the CCP breaking up like the Soviet Union calls for tightening up ideological controls.